The World Future Fund serves as a source of documentary material, reading lists and internet links from different points of view that we believe have historical significance.  The publication of this material is in no way whatsoever an endorsement of these viewpoints by the World Future Fund, unless explicitly stated by us.  As our web site makes very clear, we are totally opposed to ideas such as racism, religious intolerance and communism.  However, in order to combat such evils, it is necessary to understand them by means of the study of key documentary material.  For a more detailed statement of our publications standards click here.

From the very first I have aimed at something more than becoming a Minister. I have resolved to be the destroyer of Marxism. This I shall achieve and once I’ve achieved that, I should find the title of ‘Minister’ ridiculous.

When I first stood in front of Wagner’s grave, my heart overflowed with pride that here lay a man who had forbidden any such inscription as ‘Here lies State Councilor, Musical Director, His Excellency Richard von Wagner’. I was proud that this man and so many others in German history have been content to leave their names to posterity and not their titles. It was not through modesty that I was willing to be a ‘drummer’ at that time for that is the highest task [das Höchste]: the rest is nothing. [ . . . ]

What is the State? Today the State is an economic organization, an association of persons, formed, it would seem, for the sole purpose that all should co operate in securing each other's daily bread. THE STATE, HOWEVER, IS NOT AN ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION, IT IS A 'VOLKIC ORGANISM. The purpose, the aim of the State is to provide the people with its food-supply and with the position of power in the world which is its due. Germany occupies in Europe perhaps the most bitter situation of any people, Militarily, politically, and geographically it is surrounded by none but rivals....


Democratic Minister of the Interior, stated that the old Prussia and the former Reich was unquestionably the best administered country in the whole world. No other state had such honest and principled civil servants as the former Germany, no other nation possessed an army in which the highest regard for personal honor had become a tradition. This applied both internally and externally. Twenty-six states tried to defeat this Reich but in a struggle which lasted for four years they failed, a proof of the power and strength of this Reich. There was no real need for a revolution.


If we ask ourselves whether the revolution was successful, we must first examine what the aim of the revolution was. The revolution promised our German People everything under the sun: a life of beauty and dignity in which they would want for nothing and work shorter hours than before. There was talk of the struggle against the supra-national power of international capital, and what came of it? In this court room stood a General of the new Reich and was forced to admit that the economic failure of this new regime was so extreme that the masses were driven on to the streets. However, the soldiers who were supposed to fire on the masses were not willing to constantly shoot people who had been driven to desperation by the incompetence of their government. There can be no more scathing indictment than that. I will not talk of the hunger of millions, but I shall only draw attention to the consequences of the devaluation of our currency, which has robbed thousands of their hard-earned life savings.

This revolution has had a disastrous effect upon the economy. The largest agricultural areas of our nation were lost, and areas which were vital for the food supply of the nation were disposed of, which was outright treason! And let us not forget all the political benefits which the Revolution was supposed to bring. They talked of the right of self-determination for every nation, of the League of Nations, of self-government by the people. And what did we get? World peace, but world peace in exchange for the demise of our nation. Disarmament, but only the disarmament of Germany so that it could be plundered. The right of self-determination, yes, but the right of self-determination for each and every tribe of Negroes, and Germany does not even count as a tribe of Negroes. The League of Nations, but a League of Nations only as the guarantor that the terms of the Peace Treaty will be complied with and not as the guarantor of a new and better world order. And the People's regime! For five years the People have not been asked what they feel about the events of November 1918. At the head of the government is a Reichspräsident who is rejected by the vast majority of the people and who was not elected by them. Seventeen million Germans suffer under foreign rule. Hardly ever has the German nation be robbed of so much in five years as was in these years of the so called successful revolution. We have been rendered defenseless and thus deprived of our rights. We have become the pariah of the world. What are our organs of government today other than the means by which foreign powers tyrannize us? What did the revolution achieve towards the solution of the most serious problem of our national life, what did it do to improve the lot of Germans? How was the German nation to be freed from all the restrictions and restraints of our former  view of things? They promised to give the German People equal rights and what happened? There is nothing which cannot eventually be replaced, even the lost territories can be reconquered, but the wrong done to us in these five years can never be erased from our history. All that was great, noble and sacred has been defiled. They had the impertinence to put German heroes on trial, to parade them in chains, men whose only crime was that they fought for their fatherland, and who were made the object of the scorn of the entire world. ...


I am no monarchist, but ultimately a Republican. Pöhner is a monarchist, Ludendorff is devoted to the House of Hohenzollern [Prussia-Germany]. Despite our different attitudes we all stood together. The fate of Germany does not lie in the choice between a Republic or a Monarchy, but in the content of the Republic and the Monarchy. What I am contending against is not the form of a state as such, but its ignominious content. We wanted to create in Germany the precondition which alone will make it possible for the iron grip of our enemies to be removed from us. We wanted to create order in the state, throw out the drones, take up the fight against international stock exchange slavery, against our whole economy being cornered by trusts, against the politicizing of the trade unions, and above all, for the highest honorable duty which we, as Germans, know should be once more introduced—the duty of bearing arms, military service. And now I ask you: Is what we wanted high treason? [ . . . ]


Now people say: But His Excellency von Kahr, von Lossow and von Seisser did not want the events of the evening of 8 November. The bill of indictment says that we pushed these gentlemen into an embarrassing situation. But it was through these gentlemen that we ourselves had got into an embarrassing situation; they had pushed us into it. Herr von Kahr should have said honorably: Herr Hitler, we understand something different by a coup d’état, we mean something different by a march on Berlin. He had a duty to say to us: In what we are doing here we mean something different from what you think. He did not say that, and the consequences should be borne solely by these three gentlemen. [ . . . ]


The army which we have formed grows from day to day; it grows more rapidly from hour to hour. Even now I have the proud hope that one day the hour will come when these untrained [wild] bands will grow to battalions, the battalions to regiments and the regiments to divisions, when the old cockade will be raised from the mire, when the old banners will once again wave before us: and the reconciliation will come in that eternal last Court of Judgment, the Court of God, before which we are ready to take our stand. Then from our bones, from our graves, will sound the voice of that tribunal which alone has the right to sit in judgment upon us. For, gentlemen, it is not you who pronounce judgment upon us, it is the external Court of History which will make its pronouncement upon the charge which is brought against us. The verdict that you will pass I know. But that Court will not ask of us, ‘Did you commit high treason or did you not?’ That Court will judge us as Germans who wanted the best for their people and their fatherland, who wished to fight and to die. You may pronounce us guilty a thousand times, but the Goddess who presides over the Eternal Court of History will with a smile tear in pieces the charge of the Public Prosecutor and the verdict of this court. For she acquits us.